The Shiites celebrate the Day when the Second Caliph of Islam, Umar Al-Khattab was assassinated

Historical Context & Shi‘ite Perspective

In Shi‘ite tradition, ʿUmar ibn al‑Khattāb (d. 644 CE), the second Caliph after Muhammad, is often seen as one who wronged the Ahl al‑Bayt—particularly Lady Fāṭimah—by denying her Fadak and sanctioning actions against her household. His legacy is viewed as part of systemic oppression, which plays into Shi‘ite interpretations of early Islamic leadership and justice Wikishia+4Reddit+4Wikishia+4.

Abu Luʾluʾah (Firūz), the Persian slave who assassinated ʿUmar, is sometimes viewed in Shi‘ite folklore as having symbolically avenged that oppression. His act grew into a ritualized celebration in certain regions, especially Iran Wikishia+4Wikipedia+4Wikipedia+4.

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The Festival: Omar Koshan (Umar Koshān)

Origins & Development

Omar Koshan (كُشَان), literally “the killing of ʿUmar,” became a Safavid-era Shi‘ite festival in 16th-century Iran, originally centered around Abu Luʾluʾah’s reputed shrine in Kashan. It was held annually on the Islamic date of ʿUmar’s assassination, though sources vary between 9th of Rabiʾ al‑Awwal and other days in Dhu al‑Ḥijjah sonsofsunnah.com+2Wikipedia+2Wikipedia+2.

The holiday was characterized by carnival-like celebrations, burning and beating effigies of ʿUmar, reciting cursing poetry, and subverting social norms in parody of established order. Over time, it evolved into a broader form of cultural protest against perceived injustice Wikishia+6Wikipedia+6Wikipedia+6.

Religious Framing & Symbolism

In Shi‘ite literature, the day of ʿUmar’s death is referred to as Eid al‑Zahra, Farḥat al‑Zahra, or Eidullah al‑Akbar—a “Second Ghadīr” or “Greater Eid”—marking divine justice and the vindication of Lady Fāṭimah’s prayer against oppression Wikishia+6gift2shias.com+6Iqra Online+6.

Sayyid al‑Nayṣābūrī in Taqwīm al‑Shīʿa described it as a day of rejoicing for prophets, angels, and lovers of the Ahl al‑Bayt, with recommended acts such as feeding the needy, wearing new clothes, perfuming oneself, and even taking a ritual bath (ghusl) Reddit+3gift2shias.com+3sonsofsunnah.com+3.

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Decline and Contemporary Status

Decline During Safavids to Today

While Omar Koshan was widely practiced across Iran during the Safavid and Qajar eras, it gradually diminished with the rise of Pan‑Islamism and improving Sunni–Shi‘ite relations in the late 19th century. After the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Iranian government officially banned the festival due to its sectarian connotations and provocative nature, especially its incendiary language and theatrics Islam21c+4Wikipedia+4Wikipedia+4.

Today, public observances are mostly discontinued. Some clandestine or private commemorations reportedly persist in parts of Iran, but not with the same scale or official sanction, and are discouraged by many Shi‘ite leaders WikipediaWikishia.

Opposition by Shi‘ite Authorities

Renowned Shi‘ite marājiʿ (religious authorities), including Ayatullāh Khamenei, Ayatullāh al‑Ṣiṣṭānī, Ayatullāh Bahjat, and others, have criticized or prohibited these ceremonies. They argue that celebrating violence—even symbolically—is counterproductive, ignites sectarian tensions, and strays from Shi‘ism’s core principles of justice and unity WikishiaWikishia.

Khamenei described certain acts done allegedly to “please Lady Fāṭimah” (i.e. celebrating oppression of ʿUmar) as contradictory to the goals of the Iranian Revolution. Sistani emphasized focusing on shared beliefs and avoiding provocative speech likely to incite division Wikishia+1Reddit+1.

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Scholarly & Community Perspectives

Diversity of Practice

Not all Shi‘ites associate Eid al‑Zahra with ʿUmar’s death. In many Twelver communities—particularly outside Iran—the 9th of Rabiʾ al‑Awwal is commemorated for other reasons: the lifting of the angels’ pens, the imamate transfer from Hasan al‑Askari to the Hidden Imam al‑Mahdī, or the death of ʿUmar ibn Sa‘d, who led the forces that killed Imam Ḥusayn at Karbalā́ Wikishia+5Iqra Online+5Reddit+5.

As noted by some users online:

“Celebrating the death [of] ʿUmar ibn al‑Khattāb on the 9th of Rabiʾ al‑Awwal … makes no sense … I haven’t heard of people celebrating except among Shayrāzīs” Reddit.

Thus, the claim that Shi‘ites broadly celebrate ʿUmar’s assassination is historically inaccurate; it's confined to particular cultural–sectarian circles.

Online Narratives

Reddit discussions reflect that the ideas persist mostly within certain communities:

“This day is the day of happiness of the Ahl al‑Bayt … because the curse of Lady Fatimah … was fulfilled” — and described it as an Eid with recommended charitable and celebratory acts alwaght.net+9Islam21c+9Reddit+9Iqra Online+8Reddit+8Reddit+8.

Critics argue that equating celebration of oppression with loyalty to the Ahl al‑Bayt is misguided, and that Shi‘ism’s integrity lies in constructive memory rather than sectarian provocations.

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🎯 Summary & Reflections

• Eid al‑Zahra / Farḥat al‑Zahra, sometimes held on 9 Rabiʾ al‑Awwal, originated as commemoration of the assassination of Caliph ʿUmar ibn al‑Khattāb and was practiced especially in Iran under Safavid influence Wikipedia+6Wikishia+6Iqra Online+6.

• This festival, known as Omar Koshan, involved carnival-style rituals, ritualized cursing of ʿUmar, and symbolic roles of inversion and defiance Reddit+4Wikipedia+4Wikipedia+4.

• By the mid-20th century, it fell out of public support in Iran and was officially banned post-1979 due to its sectarian rhetoric and potential for unrest Wikipedia+1Wikipedia+1.

• Many respected Shi‘ite authorities today discourage such practices, emphasizing unity, respectful discourse, and focusing on shared beliefs over divisive commemorations Wikishia.

• The belief extends only to specific subgroups; mainstream Shi‘a in other regions typically mark the same date for different theological and spiritual reasons, not the death of ʿUmar ibn al‑Khattāb Iqra OnlineReddit.

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✅ Conclusion

While some Shi‘ite communities historically commemorated the assassination of Caliph ʿUmar ibn al‑Khattāb through the festival of Omar Koshan, this practice is neither universal nor mainstream among Twelver Shi‘ites. Rooted largely in Safavid-era Iran, the celebration has been officially discouraged and renounced by many contemporary Shi‘ite leaders, who stress intercommunal harmony and doctrinal restraint.

The Shiites condemn majority of the Companions of the Prophet, Muhammad as 'disbelievers'

Among the many theological differences between Sunni and Shiite Islam, few are as contentious or as deeply rooted in early Islamic history as the differing perspectives on the Sahabah—the Companions of the Prophet Muhammad. While Sunni Islam venerates all the Companions as righteous and trustworthy, Shiite Islam adopts a more critical view. Indeed, it is often asserted—particularly by critics—that Shiites condemn the majority of the Prophet’s Companions as disbelievers (kuffar) or deviants. To understand this position accurately, one must explore the historical, theological, and sectarian dimensions that shaped it.

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Historical Roots: The Crisis of Succession

The division between Sunni and Shiite Islam began not with theology, but with politics. When Prophet Muhammad died in 632 CE, he left no clear instruction regarding succession. The majority of the Muslim community (later known as Sunnis) supported the appointment of Abu Bakr, the Prophet’s close companion and father-in-law, as the first caliph through a consensus of the elders at Saqifah. A minority, however, believed that leadership should have remained within the Prophet’s family—specifically with his cousin and son-in-law, Ali ibn Abi Talib. This group eventually evolved into the Shia (from Shi‘at Ali, “the party of Ali”).

From the Shia perspective, the early caliphs—Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman—usurped a divinely appointed leadership. Shiites believe that the Prophet explicitly designated Ali as his successor on multiple occasions, most notably at the event of Ghadir Khumm, where he is said to have declared, “Whoever considers me his master, Ali is also his master.”

Thus, the conflict over leadership laid the groundwork for how each sect would come to view the Companions. For Shiites, many of those who supported the early caliphs were seen as having betrayed the will of the Prophet—and, by extension, the will of God.

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Shiite Doctrine on the Sahabah

The mainstream Twelver Shia (the largest Shiite sect) do not reject every Companion of the Prophet. However, they do distinguish sharply between those who remained loyal to Ali and the Ahl al-Bayt (the Prophet’s family) and those who opposed or marginalized them. This division informs a central Shia theological concept: al-Wilayah (loyalty to the family of the Prophet) is part of faith, and turning against them is tantamount to rejecting divine authority.

Key doctrinal points include:

• Belief in the infallibility (Ismah) of the Imams: Twelver Shiism teaches that the twelve Imams, beginning with Ali, were divinely appointed, sinless, and the rightful leaders after the Prophet. Anyone who knowingly rejected their authority is seen as opposing God's will.

• Rejection of the first three caliphs: Shiites hold that Abu Bakr, Umar, and Uthman—despite being close to the Prophet—wrongly seized power and marginalized the Ahl al-Bayt. Their leadership is viewed not only as illegitimate but spiritually harmful.

• Condemnation of certain Companions: Many Companions are viewed as having committed major sins by refusing to follow Ali or by participating in campaigns against him, especially during the Battle of Jamal and the Battle of Siffin. Figures like Muawiyah ibn Abi Sufyan, Aisha, and Talhah are often harshly criticized.

That said, Shiites do not universally condemn all Companions. Some are held in high esteem, including Salman al-Farsi, Ammar ibn Yasir, Miqdad ibn Aswad, and Abu Dharr al-Ghifari—all of whom were staunch supporters of Ali.

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Were They Considered Disbelievers?

One of the more controversial claims—often made by polemicists—is that Shiites consider the majority of the Prophet’s Companions to be apostates or disbelievers (kuffar). This accusation, while rooted in some early Shia texts, requires nuanced examination.

Classical Shia Texts

Some early Shia narrations (found in sources like al-Kafi by al-Kulayni) contain hadiths where Imams allegedly state that the majority of Companions abandoned the true path after the Prophet’s death. For example:

“After the Prophet’s death, all the people turned away [from the truth] except three.”
– (al-Kafi, vol. 8, hadith 341)

Such narrations were interpreted by some early Shia scholars as indicating widespread deviation among the Companions. However, classical scholars often debated the exact meaning—whether this meant literal apostasy, political rebellion, or theological misguidance.

Modern Twelver Shia Perspective

Contemporary Shia scholars and clerics are more cautious. Most avoid labeling the early Companions as outright disbelievers. Rather, they speak of “injustice”, “political error”, or “deviation from the rightful path.” The term kafir (disbeliever) is generally reserved for those who reject the fundamental tenets of Islam—not those involved in historical-political disputes.

Prominent Shia figures, such as Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr and Ayatollah Khomeini, rarely spoke of the Companions in such harsh theological terms. Instead, their focus was on promoting the rightful status of the Imams, not condemning others.

Thus, while some early Shia literature contains condemnations that appear severe, the modern Shia mainstream typically avoids blanket takfir (declaring someone an unbeliever) and emphasizes historical injustice rather than disbelief.

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Sunni Response and Counter-Accusations

Sunni scholars have long criticized what they view as Shia disrespect toward the Sahabah. According to Sunni doctrine, the Companions are to be honored and trusted, and criticizing them—especially the first four caliphs—is considered sinful or even heretical.

Quranic verses such as:

"Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, and those who are with him are strong against disbelievers, merciful among themselves..."
(Surah al-Fath, 48:29)

and

"And those who believed and emigrated and fought with him..."
(Surah al-Tawbah, 9:100)

are interpreted by Sunnis as proof that the Companions were righteous and should not be criticized.

Sunni polemicists often use early Shia hadiths to claim that Shiism is inherently hostile to Islam’s earliest generation. However, this approach tends to overlook the diversity within Shia thought and the evolution of its doctrines.

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Conclusion: Between Reverence and Rejection

The Shiite view of the Companions of the Prophet is not a simple matter of wholesale condemnation. Rather, it reflects a deeply historical and theological critique of what Shiites see as the betrayal of the Prophet’s family and the usurpation of rightful leadership. While some early Shia sources contain strong condemnations of many Companions, modern Shia scholarship has generally moved away from takfir and towards nuanced interpretations centered on justice, loyalty to the Ahl al-Bayt, and the necessity of divine leadership through the Imams.

In contrast, Sunni Islam holds the Companions in the highest regard, viewing their consensus as the foundation of the Muslim ummah. This disagreement—rooted in succession, leadership, and loyalty—continues to influence Sunni-Shia relations to this day.

Understanding this sensitive issue requires empathy, historical knowledge, and recognition that both traditions, despite their differences, share reverence for the Prophet and seek to preserve the spiritual legacy of Islam.

The Shiites Believe in Temporary Marriage (Nikah Mut'ah)

Nikah al-Mut'ah, commonly referred to as temporary marriage, is a practice recognized and legally permitted within Twelver Shi'a Islam, but widely rejected by the Sunni majority. This controversial topic has been the subject of intense theological, legal, and social debates for centuries. While critics often frame it as a form of legalized prostitution or moral laxity, Shi'a scholars and believers uphold it as a legitimate, Quranically-sanctioned marriage contract—one that offers flexibility and moral safeguards under specific circumstances.

This article explores what Nikah Mut'ah is, its origins, religious justification, differences from permanent marriage, and the Sunni-Shi'a divide surrounding it.

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What Is Nikah Mut'ah?

Nikah Mut'ah is a fixed-term marriage contract between a man and a woman, established for a mutually agreed duration (which could range from a few hours to several years) and with a stipulated mahr (dower). At the end of the term, the marriage automatically dissolves—no formal divorce process is needed.

Key characteristics include:

• Consent from both parties.

• Specification of both time duration and dower.

• No inheritance rights unless otherwise stipulated.

• The woman must observe an iddah (waiting period) before contracting another marriage, typically two menstrual cycles, to prevent confusion over paternity.

While it shares some features with permanent marriage (nikah), such as requiring consent and mahr, it differs in duration, legal implications, and social expectations.

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The Qur’anic Basis

The primary Qur'anic verse cited by Shi'a scholars in support of Mut'ah is:

“So give them their due compensation for the enjoyment [istamtaʿtum] you have had from them as an obligation.”
(Surah An-Nisa, 4:24)

Shi'a interpreters, such as Allama Tabatabai, argue that the term “istamtaʿtum” (from the same root as “Mut’ah”) refers explicitly to temporary marriage, especially considering how the early Muslim community practiced it under the Prophet Muhammad's guidance.

Sunni scholars, however, generally interpret this verse as referring to permanent marriage and claim that any prior allowance for Mut'ah was later abrogated (naskh) either by Qur’anic verse or by hadith.

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Historical Practice in Early Islam

According to both Sunni and Shi'a sources, Nikah Mut'ah was permitted during the Prophet Muhammad’s lifetime, especially during military campaigns when men were away from their wives for extended periods. The Sahih Muslim and other Sunni hadith collections mention that Mut’ah was practiced by the Companions with the Prophet’s knowledge.

Where the two sects diverge is on whether Mut’ah was later prohibited:

• Sunni View: Temporary marriage was allowed briefly, then prohibited by the Prophet himself, and later enforced by the Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab. Umar is recorded as having said, “Two mut’ahs were practiced during the time of the Prophet, and I prohibit them both: Mut'ah of Hajj and Mut'ah of women.”

• Shi'a View: The prohibition came not from the Prophet, but from Caliph Umar, and therefore lacks prophetic or divine authority. Shi’a scholars argue that Umar had no right to prohibit what the Qur’an and the Prophet allowed, and they maintain that Mut’ah remains valid.

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Mut’ah in Shi’a Jurisprudence

In Twelver Shi’a Islam, Mut’ah is recognized as a legitimate form of marriage under Ja’fari fiqh (Shi’a jurisprudence). Leading Shi'a scholars such as Sheikh al-Tusi, Allama Hilli, and more recently Ayatollah Sistani have detailed its regulations.

Purposes of Mut’ah in Shi’a thought include:

• Preventing zina (fornication) by offering a lawful alternative.

• Offering flexibility to students, travelers, or widows/divorcees.

• Accommodating emotional and physical needs when permanent marriage is not feasible.

While the practice is religiously valid, most Shi’a scholars emphasize conditions, responsibility, and decorum, and many caution against its misuse or overuse. In Shi’a-majority countries like Iran, Mut’ah is legally recognized and even facilitated through the courts or religious institutions.

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Criticism and Misuse

Critics—both Sunni and secular—argue that Mut’ah can be exploited as a cover for short-term sexual gratification, leading to abuse, especially of women. In practice, opponents claim, the system can resemble prostitution, especially when there is a power imbalance or when the arrangement lacks sincerity or ethical oversight.

Some Sunni scholars also argue that Mut’ah undermines the sanctity of marriage, which in their view must aim at long-term companionship, family-building, and social stability.

Shi'a scholars acknowledge the potential for abuse, but emphasize that any religious practice can be misused if done without fear of God or without adhering to the prescribed moral framework. Just as divorce, though permitted, is discouraged when done recklessly, so too is Mut’ah discouraged if it causes harm or violates Islamic ethics.

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Sunni Alternatives: Misyar and Urfi

Ironically, though Sunni Islam prohibits Mut’ah, modern legal mechanisms have developed that serve similar functions, such as:

• Nikah Misyar: A marriage in which spouses waive certain rights (like cohabitation or financial maintenance). Practiced in parts of the Gulf.

• Urfi Marriage: An informal or secret marriage, often unregistered with the state, but witnessed and recognized under Islamic law.

These arrangements, while not temporary in theory, are often short-lived and discreet, leading some to argue that they are “Mut’ah in all but name.”

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Contemporary Relevance

In today’s world, where economic hardship, globalization, delayed marriage, and social conservatism intersect, Mut’ah is both more visible and more controversial. In Shi’a communities, debates continue about how to modernize, regulate, or spiritually contextualize the practice to ensure it serves its intended ethical role.

Some contemporary scholars propose additional regulations or call for community-level education to prevent misuse. Others, including some younger Shi’a voices, are re-examining whether Mut’ah, though lawful, is appropriate in today’s social climate.

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Conclusion: A Divisive but Defining Practice

The practice of Nikah Mut’ah is a deeply rooted feature of Shi’a Islamic thought, based on scriptural interpretation, prophetic precedent, and centuries of jurisprudential development. For Shi’a Muslims, it remains a legal, moral, and theological tool—not a loophole for immorality, but a structured, divine concession for specific human needs.

For Sunni Muslims, Mut’ah is a rejected relic of early Islam, seen as incompatible with the spiritual and societal objectives of marriage. Yet ironically, parallels in Sunni legal adaptations like Misyar demonstrate that the Islamic world continues to wrestle with the balance between law, desire, and ethics.

At its core, the debate over Mut’ah reflects broader questions about scriptural interpretation, authority, and changing social norms—questions that both Sunni and Shi’a communities must continue to address with honesty, scholarship, and a commitment to justice.

Ayatollah Khomeini and His Impact on World Shiism

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is one of the most influential religious and political figures in modern Islamic history. Revered by supporters and reviled by critics, Khomeini’s leadership fundamentally reshaped the landscape of Shiite Islam (Shiism), not only in Iran but across the Muslim world. His blend of theology and revolutionary politics gave Shiism a new global identity—transforming it from a historically marginalized sect into a powerful force with geopolitical reach.

Early Life and Clerical Rise

Born in 1902 in Khomein, a small town in central Iran, Ruhollah Khomeini was educated in the seminaries of Arak and Qom. A devout follower of Twelver Shiism, he became a leading marja' taqlid (source of emulation) by mid-century. Unlike many clerics of his time, Khomeini was deeply political. He believed that Islam had to be a guiding force not only in personal life but in governance.

His critique of the Pahlavi monarchy’s Westernization policies and secularism grew increasingly confrontational in the 1960s. The Shah’s “White Revolution” reforms, which included land redistribution and women’s suffrage, were seen by Khomeini as an attack on Islamic values and clerical authority. His vocal opposition led to arrest, exile, and a growing underground network of followers.

Velayat-e Faqih: A Revolutionary Doctrine

The cornerstone of Khomeini’s impact on Shiism is his theory of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist), laid out in his 1970 lectures later compiled into a book. Traditionally, Shiite scholars had argued that political rule should remain in abeyance until the return of the hidden 12th Imam, the Mahdi. Khomeini overturned this idea by insisting that qualified jurists (faqihs) had a religious duty to govern in the Imam’s absence.

This was a theological and political earthquake. Khomeini was saying that not only could clerics rule—they must rule. This interpretation injected Shiite jurisprudence with political immediacy and served as the ideological blueprint for the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The 1979 Iranian Revolution

Khomeini returned to Iran in February 1979 after 14 years in exile (mostly in Iraq and later France), where he had built a transnational revolutionary movement. The Pahlavi monarchy collapsed in the face of massive protests, and Khomeini emerged as the supreme leader of a new Islamic Republic.

The revolution had profound religious implications. It was the first time in over a millennium that a modern nation-state was governed explicitly by Shiite clerics under divine authority. Khomeini was declared Iran’s Supreme Leader, combining religious and political power in a way unseen in contemporary Islam.

Global Impact on Shiism

1. Shiism Transformed into a Political Force

Historically, Shiism had been characterized by quietism, martyrdom, and political marginalization. Khomeini redefined it as a revolutionary ideology, placing it at the center of political change. He cast the Islamic Revolution as the fulfillment of Shiite values like resistance to tyranny and the defense of justice—values epitomized in the martyrdom of Imam Husayn at Karbala.

This ideological shift inspired Shiite communities in Lebanon, Iraq, Bahrain, Pakistan, and elsewhere to reimagine their roles within their own societies, often leading to greater political mobilization and, in some cases, confrontation with Sunni-dominated states.

2. Rise of Hezbollah and the ‘Axis of Resistance’

One of the most significant outgrowths of Khomeini’s vision was the formation of Hezbollah in Lebanon in the early 1980s. Backed by Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Hezbollah fused Shiite theology with military resistance, especially against Israeli occupation.

Hezbollah’s success—both as a militia and a political party—became a model for other Shiite movements. Khomeini’s Iran established what later became known as the Axis of Resistance, comprising Iran, Hezbollah, Syria, and various Iraqi and Yemeni Shiite groups, all united by opposition to Western influence and Israeli policy.

3. Clerical Authority Redefined

Khomeini’s concept of Velayat-e Faqih created a new hierarchy in Shiism. Traditionally, each marja' operated independently, and laypeople chose whom to follow. Khomeini’s model centralized religious authority within the Iranian state and made loyalty to the Supreme Leader a quasi-religious obligation.

While many Shiite scholars—especially those based in Najaf, Iraq, like Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani—rejected this model in favor of political quietism, Khomeini’s ideas gained traction in Shiite communities that felt politically disenfranchised.

4. Institutionalizing Shiism

Under Khomeini’s rule, Shiism became institutionalized at an unprecedented scale. Iran established seminaries, media outlets, charities, and military proxies that exported the revolution's message across borders. The Islamic Republic began sponsoring Shiite clerics abroad, thereby influencing religious education, community leadership, and political activism in Shiite diasporas from Africa to Southeast Asia.

Criticism and Controversy

Khomeini’s blending of religion and state power attracted significant criticism, even within the Shiite world. His detractors argue that Velayat-e Faqih undermines the pluralism and intellectual independence traditionally found in Shiism. Others point to the repression of dissent in post-revolutionary Iran as evidence of the dangers of clerical rule.

Moreover, the Islamic Republic’s foreign policy—marked by regional interventions and support for non-state actors—has heightened Sunni-Shiite tensions across the Middle East. Many Sunni-majority countries view Iran’s revolutionary Shiism as a threat to regional stability.

Enduring Legacy

Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989, but his legacy continues to shape global Shiism. His successor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has preserved the core tenets of his vision. While some aspects of Iranian society have modernized, the fundamental structure of the Islamic Republic remains deeply rooted in Khomeini’s doctrine.

For many Shiites around the world, especially those in marginalized or oppressed communities, Khomeini’s message remains empowering. It provides a theological rationale for resistance, social justice, and political participation. For others, especially traditional clerics and secular critics, it represents a dangerous conflation of spiritual and temporal authority.

Conclusion

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was not just the architect of Iran’s 1979 revolution—he was the architect of a new form of Shiism. By turning a historically quietist religious tradition into a revolutionary, state-guiding force, he changed how Shiite Islam is understood and practiced across the globe.

His influence is evident today in both the geopolitical strength of Iran and the activism of Shiite communities throughout the Middle East. Whether one views his impact as positive or problematic, few can deny that Khomeini reshaped Shiism in ways that continue to reverberate through the modern Islamic world.

Ayatollah Khomeini and His Impact on the Islamic World

Introduction

Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini was one of the most influential and controversial figures in modern Islamic history. As the architect of the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the founder of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Khomeini reshaped the political and religious landscape of not only Iran but the entire Muslim world. His unique fusion of Shia theology and revolutionary politics gave rise to a new model of Islamic governance that has inspired some and alarmed others across the globe. This article explores Khomeini’s ideology, his rise to power, and the wide-ranging impact of his leadership on the Islamic world.

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Early Life and Education

Ruhollah Khomeini was born in 1902 in the town of Khomein, in central Iran. He came from a family of religious scholars and was trained in the Shia seminary system, becoming a leading ayatollah with expertise in Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). As a cleric, Khomeini was known for his deep knowledge of Islamic theology and philosophy, as well as his strong stance against the increasing Westernization of Iran under the Pahlavi monarchy.

Throughout the 1950s and 60s, Khomeini became an outspoken critic of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi’s regime, especially targeting the Shah’s alliance with the West, land reforms, and policies seen as undermining Islamic values. His opposition reached a peak with his condemnation of the 1963 White Revolution, which led to his arrest and subsequent exile to Turkey, Iraq, and eventually France.

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The 1979 Iranian Revolution

Khomeini's ideas gained traction among a diverse coalition of Iranians disillusioned with the Shah’s autocratic rule and socio-economic policies. While in exile, he published writings and delivered messages via cassette tapes, which were smuggled into Iran and widely distributed. His message combined religious symbolism with populist rhetoric, positioning Islam as the solution to tyranny, corruption, and foreign domination.

In 1979, following mass protests, labor strikes, and increasing civil unrest, the Shah fled Iran. Khomeini returned triumphantly and quickly assumed the leadership of the revolution. He declared the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran through a national referendum, marking the first time in modern history that a theocratic government based on Shia Islam came to power.

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The Doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih

Khomeini’s most groundbreaking political idea was the doctrine of Velayat-e Faqih, or “Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist.” This concept asserts that in the absence of the infallible Imam (a core belief in Shia theology), a senior Islamic jurist should hold authority over both religious and political affairs. This doctrine became the foundation for the constitution of the Islamic Republic, where the Supreme Leader—a position Khomeini himself assumed—holds ultimate control over the state.

This was a radical departure from traditional Shia political thought, which had long maintained a separation between religious authority and political governance during the period of occultation (when the 12th Imam is believed to be hidden). Khomeini’s reinterpretation effectively centralized both religious and political power in the hands of the clergy.

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Cultural and Political Impact in Iran

Khomeini’s leadership transformed Iran in every domain. The monarchy was dismantled, Western influence was rolled back, and Islamic law (Sharia) became the foundation of the legal and social system. Women’s dress codes were enforced, alcohol and Western entertainment were banned, and public life was shaped by Islamic values. Educational curricula, the media, and even architecture were reoriented to reflect the principles of the revolution.

Politically, Khomeini crushed opposition from secular leftists, liberal nationalists, and other Islamic groups who had participated in the revolution but opposed the theocratic state. Thousands were imprisoned or executed during the early years of the republic. While the regime claimed to empower the masses through Islamic governance, it also concentrated power in the hands of unelected religious elites.

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Influence on the Islamic World

1. The Rise of Political Islam

Khomeini’s success electrified Islamic movements across the Muslim world. His ability to overthrow a Western-backed monarchy and establish a government based on Islamic principles inspired Islamists from Egypt to Pakistan to reimagine their own struggles. Movements such as Hezbollah in Lebanon and Islamic Jihad in Palestine drew ideological and material support from Iran.

Sunni Islamist groups like the Muslim Brotherhood were also influenced, though they often distanced themselves from Iran’s Shia theology. Nonetheless, the idea that Islam could serve as a political ideology capable of challenging secular regimes and Western hegemony gained renewed vigor.

2. Shia-Sunni Tensions

Khomeini’s revolution also exacerbated sectarian divides. The predominantly Sunni Arab states—particularly Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan—viewed the Iranian revolution with deep suspicion. Iran’s calls to export the revolution, along with its support for Shia minorities in Bahrain, Lebanon, and Saudi Arabia, were seen as a direct threat to Sunni-dominated regimes.

The 1980–1988 Iran-Iraq War, in which Saddam Hussein (a Sunni leader of a majority-Shia country) invaded Iran, was partially driven by fears of Shia uprisings influenced by Khomeini. Though Iran survived the war, the conflict deepened regional animosities and fueled decades of sectarian rivalry.

3. The Export of the Revolution

Khomeini explicitly called for the export of the Islamic revolution, not just to Shia communities but to all Muslims. He viewed Western imperialism and secular nationalism as enemies of Islam. While some viewed this as a call to Islamic solidarity, many saw it as Iranian expansionism cloaked in religious rhetoric.

Iran supported armed groups in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, and beyond, often in opposition to U.S.-backed regimes. This has had a lasting impact, creating a geopolitical axis of resistance centered on Tehran, with strongholds in Beirut, Baghdad, Damascus, and Sanaa.

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Legacy and Criticism

Ayatollah Khomeini died in 1989, but his legacy continues to shape Iran and the broader Middle East. Domestically, the Islamic Republic has endured for more than four decades, though it faces growing challenges from economic hardship, political dissent, and generational shifts in values.

Khomeini is revered by his supporters as a defender of Islam, a liberator of the oppressed, and a scholar who brought Islamic ideals into modern governance. His detractors, however, view him as an authoritarian figure who used religion to justify repression, limit freedoms, and impose a rigid ideological orthodoxy.

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Conclusion

Ayatollah Khomeini was more than a revolutionary leader—he was a theologian, strategist, and symbol of a new Islamic political consciousness. His influence reshaped Iran, sparked movements across the Islamic world, and intensified regional rivalries that persist to this day. Whether one views him as a visionary or a zealot, his impact on the Islamic world is undeniable and enduring.

As Islamic societies continue to grapple with questions of governance, identity, and modernity, Khomeini’s legacy serves as both a model and a cautionary tale—a reminder of the power and peril of blending religion with statecraft.

Who is Ayatollah Ali Khamenei?

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is one of the most influential and controversial political and religious figures in the modern Middle East. As the Supreme Leader of Iran since 1989, Khamenei holds the highest authority in the Islamic Republic, wielding considerable power over the nation’s political, military, and religious institutions. Often described as a hardliner, a cleric, a revolutionary, and a symbol of continuity in post-revolutionary Iran, Khamenei’s leadership has defined Iran’s direction for more than three decades.

But who is the man behind the title? Understanding Khamenei requires a deep look into his religious background, revolutionary credentials, political strategies, and his complex relationship with both domestic factions and the global community.

Early Life and Religious Education

Ali Hosseini Khamenei was born on July 17, 1939, in Mashhad, a major city in northeastern Iran and home to the shrine of Imam Reza, one of the most revered figures in Shia Islam. He was born into a family of clerics; his father was a respected but modestly positioned Islamic scholar. This religious environment laid the foundation for Khamenei’s early immersion in Islamic studies.

Khamenei pursued his religious education in Mashhad and later in the theological center of Qom, where he studied under prominent Shia scholars, including Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the eventual leader of the Islamic Revolution. It was during his time in Qom that Khamenei became increasingly politicized, adopting the view that Islam should not remain detached from governance—a principle that would become central to the ideology of the Islamic Republic.

Role in the Islamic Revolution

In the 1960s and 70s, Khamenei became active in opposition to Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, the pro-Western monarch of Iran. Influenced by Khomeini’s teachings, he participated in underground networks that distributed religious-political literature and organized resistance.

Khamenei was arrested multiple times by the Shah’s security services, spending time in prison and exile. His revolutionary credentials were solidified by these sacrifices, and he quickly rose through the ranks of the clerical opposition. Following the Shah’s fall in 1979 and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Khamenei emerged as a close associate of Ayatollah Khomeini and a key figure in the new regime.

From President to Supreme Leader

After the revolution, Khamenei held a number of important roles. He became a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)’s upper echelons and served as a Friday Prayer leader in Tehran. His political prominence increased when he was elected as President of Iran in 1981, following the assassination of President Mohammad-Ali Rajai.

Khamenei served two terms as president (1981–1989), during which he navigated the challenges of the Iran-Iraq War, internal factionalism, and the early years of post-revolutionary state-building. Though not a grand ayatollah at the time, Khamenei was known for his ideological loyalty to Khomeini and his firm stance against liberal and secular currents within the country.

In 1989, following Khomeini’s death, a constitutional amendment removed the requirement that the Supreme Leader be a marja’ (the highest rank of Shia clerical authority), paving the way for Khamenei’s elevation to the role despite his relatively lower clerical standing. This move was controversial, but it marked the beginning of what would become one of the longest-lasting political reigns in the Middle East.

The Supreme Leader’s Power

As Supreme Leader, Khamenei is Iran’s head of state, and his powers far exceed those of the president. His authority encompasses:

• Military command: He is the commander-in-chief of the Iranian armed forces and has ultimate authority over the IRGC and regular army.

• Judicial appointments: He appoints the head of the judiciary and exerts influence over the legal system.

• Media and communications: He controls major state media outlets and has influence over censorship and cultural policy.

• Foreign policy: While the president and foreign minister represent Iran internationally, all significant foreign policy decisions—especially those related to the United States, nuclear negotiations, and regional strategy—must have his approval.

• Guardian Council and Expediency Council oversight: These institutions, which vet election candidates and mediate political disputes, operate under his guidance.

In short, Khamenei sits at the apex of a theocratic-political system designed to blend Islamic law with modern statecraft, where the Supreme Leader is accountable only to the Assembly of Experts—a body that rarely challenges his decisions.

Ideological Outlook and Foreign Policy

Khamenei is a staunch anti-Western and anti-imperialist thinker. He has consistently criticized U.S. and Israeli policies and promotes a worldview where Iran stands as a bulwark against Western cultural and political influence. He views the Islamic Republic as the defender of oppressed peoples, especially Muslims, and sees the export of Iran’s revolutionary ideals as a religious and moral obligation.

Under his leadership, Iran has supported groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Assad regime in Syria, Houthi rebels in Yemen, and various Shia militias in Iraq. These alliances have extended Iran’s influence across the Middle East but have also heightened tensions with regional rivals like Saudi Arabia and global powers like the United States.

Khamenei has also played a central role in Iran’s nuclear policy. While he issued a religious decree (fatwa) against the use of nuclear weapons, he has supported Iran’s pursuit of nuclear technology, framing it as a sovereign right. He backed the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) initially, but was deeply skeptical of American intentions. After the U.S. withdrew from the deal under President Donald Trump in 2018, Khamenei hardened his stance, reinforcing the narrative that the West could not be trusted.

Domestic Politics and Opposition

Domestically, Khamenei has overseen a political system that tolerates limited electoral competition within strict boundaries. Reformist candidates are often disqualified, and those who challenge the ideological pillars of the Islamic Republic face imprisonment or exile.

Khamenei supported the crackdown on the 2009 Green Movement, which erupted over alleged election fraud. He also endorsed the suppression of protests in 2017, 2019, and 2022, including the widespread unrest following the death of Mahsa Amini, a young woman arrested by the morality police.

Despite this, Khamenei remains a deeply influential figure among conservative and hardline factions. His leadership is seen as vital to the Islamic Republic's continuity, especially amid increasing internal dissatisfaction, economic hardship, and generational shifts in values.

Legacy and Succession

At 85 years old (as of 2024), Khamenei’s health and the question of succession are central concerns in Iranian politics. While he has not publicly named a successor, speculation surrounds figures like his son Mojtaba Khamenei, though a hereditary transition would be controversial.

Khamenei’s legacy will likely be debated for generations. To supporters, he is a steadfast guardian of revolutionary values and Islamic governance. To critics, he is an authoritarian figure who has overseen the repression of dissent, curtailed freedoms, and isolated Iran internationally.

Conclusion

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is more than just a political leader; he is the embodiment of the Islamic Republic’s ideological backbone. His leadership has shaped Iran’s trajectory through war, revolution, reform, and resistance. As Iran confronts mounting internal pressures and complex external threats, Khamenei’s decisions—past and future—remain central to understanding not only Iran itself but also the broader dynamics of the Middle East.

Yasser Al-Habib: Controversy, Sectarianism, and the Slandering of Aisyah and the Prophet’s Companions

In the modern Muslim world, few religious figures have generated as much controversy and sectarian tension as Yasser Al-Habib, a Kuwaiti-born Shia cleric known for his inflammatory rhetoric against some of the most revered figures in Sunni Islam. Chief among these controversies are his repeated slanders against Aisyah bint Abu Bakr—the Prophet Muhammad’s wife—and several of the Sahabah (companions), including Abu Bakr, Umar ibn al-Khattab, and others.

While intra-Muslim disagreements between Sunni and Shia schools of thought are long-standing and complex, Al-Habib’s comments go beyond scholarly critique. They are perceived by many as deeply offensive and polarizing, further aggravating the fragile relationships between the two major sects of Islam.

This article explores who Yasser Al-Habib is, the nature of his accusations, the religious and political backlash they have sparked, and the broader implications of such rhetoric for the Muslim world.

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Who is Yasser Al-Habib?

Yasser Al-Habib was born in Kuwait in 1979 and was once affiliated with the Kuwaiti Shia organization Al-Muhassin Youth Movement. He was arrested in 2003 by Kuwaiti authorities for allegedly insulting the Prophet’s companions and Aisyah. After serving a short prison sentence, he fled the country and was granted asylum in the United Kingdom, where he founded the controversial Khuddam al-Mahdi organization and later the Fadak TV channel, which promotes his theological views.

Unlike many other Shia clerics, Al-Habib is known for openly attacking Sunni beliefs and figures in highly provocative language. He advocates a fringe view within Shiism that is not endorsed by mainstream Shia scholars or institutions, including Iran’s religious authorities and Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani.

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The Slandering of Aisyah

Among Al-Habib’s most inflammatory remarks are those directed at Aisyah (RA), the youngest wife of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) and a revered figure in Sunni Islam. Al-Habib has accused her of betrayal, hypocrisy, and even going to Hell—accusations that have been condemned by both Sunni and Shia leaders as excessive and inappropriate.

The origin of these accusations lies in the Battle of the Camel (656 CE), a civil war incident in which Aisyah led an army against the fourth caliph, Ali ibn Abi Talib (RA)—a figure central to Shia Islam. Shia historical interpretation often views Aisyah’s actions critically, but mainstream Shia scholarship does not endorse public insults or takfir (declaring someone a non-believer) toward her or other companions.

Al-Habib’s position, however, crosses this boundary, referring to Aisyah with derogatory terms and accusing her of grave sins. In 2010, he publicly celebrated the anniversary of her death, referring to it as a "day of joy for the believers"—a statement that sparked global outrage.

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Attacks on the Sahabah (Companions)

In addition to Aisyah, Al-Habib has targeted other prominent companions of the Prophet Muhammad, especially Abu Bakr, Umar ibn al-Khattab, and Uthman ibn Affan—the first three caliphs in Sunni tradition. These companions are venerated by Sunnis for their piety, leadership, and close relationship with the Prophet.

Al-Habib’s rhetoric towards them is especially incendiary. He has accused them of distorting Islam, usurping the rightful leadership of Ali (RA), and being complicit in the oppression of the Prophet’s family—the Ahlul Bayt. While these are long-standing themes in Shia historiography, most scholars from both sects stress respectful disagreement and caution against inflammatory language that harms Muslim unity.

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Reaction and Condemnation

Al-Habib’s statements have not only enraged the Sunni world but have also drawn sharp rebuke from prominent Shia clerics, including those in Najaf (Iraq) and Qom (Iran)—the two primary centers of Shia scholarship.

In 2010, Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei issued a fatwa explicitly forbidding the insult of Aisyah, the Prophet’s wives, and revered companions. This was widely understood as a direct response to Al-Habib’s growing notoriety. Khamenei’s statement was echoed by Shia leaders across the Middle East, who argued that Al-Habib’s actions were a threat to inter-sectarian harmony and Islamic ethics.

Even within Shia-majority countries, there is significant disapproval of Al-Habib’s approach. Clerics have stressed that Shia Islam, as practiced by the majority of its followers, upholds the dignity of debate and avoids personal attacks on figures revered by other Muslims.

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Theological Implications

Theologically, the slandering of Aisyah and the Sahabah raises significant concerns for both Sunnis and Shias. For Sunnis, it represents a blasphemous attack on the Prophet’s household and community, contradicting Qur'anic verses that affirm the high status of his companions and wives (e.g., Surah Al-Ahzab 33:6, Surah At-Tawbah 100).

For Shias, especially those aligned with the Usuli tradition, such behavior is seen as reckless and un-Islamic. Classical Shia scholars like Al-Tusi, Al-Mufid, and even Ayatollah Sistani advocate respectful disagreement and emphasize shared beliefs with Sunnis, particularly in the face of modern challenges confronting the Muslim world.

Al-Habib’s views, therefore, represent a fringe ideology that is more performative than theological, appealing to emotion rather than scholarly rigor.

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Political Fallout

Politically, Al-Habib’s remarks have been weaponized by extremists on both sides. Sunni extremist groups like ISIS and Al-Qaeda have cited his sermons as proof of alleged Shia hatred for Sunnis, using them to justify sectarian violence. Meanwhile, some Shia hardliners have used his platform to push anti-Sunni narratives.

Governments across the Muslim world, including Kuwait (his birthplace), Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and even Iran, have condemned Al-Habib’s rhetoric. His continued presence in the UK has also raised diplomatic concerns, as some governments have requested action against him for inciting religious hatred.

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The Danger of Sectarian Provocation

Yasser Al-Habib’s case illustrates how religious provocation can escalate into sectarian conflict, particularly in an era of digital media where sermons can be disseminated instantly across the globe. While legitimate theological debate is part of Islam’s rich intellectual tradition, the descent into personal insult, mockery, and vilification serves no constructive purpose.

Al-Habib’s approach threatens the unity and integrity of the Muslim ummah, particularly at a time when external challenges—Islamophobia, geopolitical instability, and social fragmentation—call for greater solidarity, not division.

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Conclusion

Yasser Al-Habib is a polarizing figure whose slander against Aisyah and the companions of the Prophet Muhammad has caused widespread outrage across the Islamic world. While he positions himself as a defender of the Prophet’s family, his rhetoric does more to incite hatred than promote religious understanding.

The overwhelming consensus among both Sunni and Shia scholars is that such language is un-Islamic, unethical, and dangerous. As the global Muslim community continues to navigate internal differences, voices like Al-Habib’s serve as a reminder of the need for respectful dialogue, unity in diversity, and commitment to the higher principles of Islam—mercy, justice, and mutual respect.